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Biografía 胡锦涛

> China > Políticos > Communist Party of China (CPC) > Hu Jintao
  胡锦涛   胡锦涛
  胡锦涛
曾經是中华人民共和国的主要领导人之一,中国共产党第四代最高领导人。 / Former leader of the fourth generation of leadership of the Communist Party of China.
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胡锦涛 Biografía

中文简介:胡锦涛(1942年12月21日-),祖籍安徽绩溪,出生于江苏省泰縣(今江苏省泰州市姜堰区),曾經是中华人民共和国的主要领导人之一,中国共产党第四代最高领导人。

前任第十六届、第十七届中国共产党中央委员会总书记(2002年-2012年)、中国共产党中央军事委员会主席(2004年-2012年),前任中华人民共和国主席 (2003-2013年)、中华人民共和国中央军事委员会主席 (2005-2013),中央国家安全领导小组、中央外事工作领导小组与中央对台工作领导小组组长。此外,中国共产党称呼第四代的中央领导集体为“以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央”。

 

生平 - 早年生涯

胡锦涛祖上曾出过明朝户部尚书胡富、兵部尚书胡宗宪等历史名人,属龙川胡氏一系。家族自其曾祖起从安徽省绩溪縣龍川村迁至江苏泰州姜堰一带。晚清初年,其曾祖父胡沇源、祖父胡炳衡和父亲胡增珏(又名胡静之)皆為經营茶叶的商人。1949年,中华人民共和国成立后,胡静之的茶庄随公私合营被划归当地供销社。

1942年,胡锦涛出生於中华民国江苏省泰縣,祖籍安徽省绩溪县龙川村。7岁时,胡锦涛母李文瑞去世,其为胡家独子,其下有妹妹胡锦蓉与胡锦莱。他最初就读于五巷小学,后转入泰州大埔小学,1953年进入私立泰州中学(现泰州二中)读初中,1956年考入江苏省泰州中学。根据其家族人回忆,胡锦涛小时很文静、喜爱读书、性格随和。他曾在履历表籍贯栏中填过“泰州”,受到父亲训导后从中学开始就一直填“安徽绩溪”。

 

大学时代

1959年9月,年仅16岁的胡锦涛以优异成绩考入清华大学水利工程系(今水利电力工程系)。由于这一届学生在1965年毕业,因而被称为“5字班”,包括胡锦涛在内的“5字班”的学生前面避开了1957年的“反右”和1958年的“大跃进”,后面躲过了1966年开始的“文革”,得以完整地接受了6年制本科教育。大学期间,胡锦涛结识了之后的夫人刘永清[4],他和夫人刘永清当时是水利工程系同年级学生中年龄最小的两位。据称,他们品学兼优,待人真诚,与同学们相处得十分融洽。在校期间,胡锦涛是出名的高材生,大学6年,除一门功课4分外,其余全是满分5分。

此外,胡锦涛在清华大学期间曾任学生文工团舞蹈队团支部书记、水利系政治辅导员。文革时期參與和傾向的是清華大學井岡山溫和保守的造反派──「四‧一四派」 。

1964年4月加入中国共产党。同年,为庆祝中华人民共和国成立15周年,胡锦涛作为清华大学选派的100名学生参加了大型音乐舞蹈史诗《东方红》。在10月1日当天,胡锦涛又被选入清华大学游行队伍,参加了国庆大游行。之后,胡锦涛把参加《东方红》排练和游行的感受写成一篇文章,题为《上了生动的一课 毛泽东思想的颂歌——工人农民战士学生座谈音乐舞蹈史诗〈东方红〉》,发表在1964年10月6日的《人民日报》上。

1965年大学毕业后,胡锦涛被学校留在水利系参加科研工作、任教,并继续担任政治辅导员。1968年至1969年,胡锦涛在位于甘肃的水电部刘家峡工程局房建队参加了工作。1969年至1974年,在水利部第四工程局八一三分局历任技术员、秘书、机关党支部副书记。

 

步入政坛

1974年调任甘肃建设委员会秘书,受到时任中共甘肃省委书记的宋平赏识而进入中共全国政坛,此后历任甘肃省建委设计管理处副处长、甘肃省建委副主任。文革期间,胡锦涛的父亲胡增珏由于出身不好,被指责为“贪污分子”,并受到批斗,死于1978年,终年59岁。1982年9月,胡锦涛调任共青团甘肃省委书记。数月后担任共青团中央书记处书记、全国青联主席。曾于1982年率團訪問日本。1984年至1985年任共青团中央书记处第一书记。

 

贵州改革

1985年,胡锦涛调任中共贵州省委书记。在任上,其进行大规模的政治改革,并制定了《关于推进教育体制改革的决定》,之外,其主张压缩其他开支,在教育方面追加了4000万元投资。后来他又提出在三年时间里,投资2.4亿元,解决全省220万平方米的中小学危楼问题。1988年,贵州开始从党政分开入手,从省级和企业做起,连续制定了《贵州省省级党政分开实施方案》、《中共贵州省委机关机构改革近期实施方案》,重点解决省委和省政府的职能划分,相应调整省级党的组织形式和省委工作机构。贵州省开始大规模的机构改革,先后撤消了省人事局、劳动局、统计局、审计局、工商局、物价局等11个部门的党组,政府系统逐步建立行政首长负责制。此外,面对贵州大学数千名学生上街游行,胡锦涛连夜召开会议,與示威大學生進行商討並進行協調,最终化解这一事件。

 

主政西藏

1988年,胡锦涛担任中共西藏自治区党委书记。1989年,要求西藏独立的人士举行示威游行,发生拉萨事件,胡锦涛迅速宣布戒严,成功平定局勢。邓小平等中共高层认为胡行事果断,对共产党忠诚,使胡进一步得到赏识肯定。

 

进入中央

1992年,胡锦涛进入中共中央负责组织工作。同年经宋平推荐及邓力群提名,在中共十四大上当选中共中央政治局常委、中共中央书记处书记(负责常务工作),晋升党和国家领导人,并正式成为以“江泽民总书记为核心”的中国共产党第三代领导集体的重要成员。1998年起又任中华人民共和国副主席和中共中央党校校长,1999年再任中共中央军事委员会副主席和中华人民共和国中央军事委员会副主席。

 

担任中共第四代领导人

2002年11月,胡锦涛在中共十六届一中全会上当选为中共中央总书记,成为中共中央主要负责人。2003年3月,在第十届全国人民代表大会第一次会议上当选中华人民共和国主席,2004年和2005年在中共十六届四中全会和第十届全国人大第三次会议上分別当选中共中央军委主席和中国中央军委主席。2007年10月在中共十七届一中全会上连任中央委员会总书记和中央军事委员会主席,2008年3月在第十一屆全国人民代表大会上连任国家主席及国家中央军委主席。

在担任中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席的任期上,胡锦涛对中国政治、经济进行了一系列的调整与改革。

胡锦涛在上任后的首次中共中央政治局常委会议强调“宪法的不可侵犯性”。中国政府也首次发布了关于中国社会动荡的数据,并赞同人民有知情权。在2003年非典疫情中胡锦涛政府行动果断,及时免去了卫生部部长和北京市市长的官职。以平民领导人的姿态受到了人们的称赞。在经济方面,取消了农民农业税,对民工采取更宽松的政策,率先扶持内陆城市,实施基本医保制度,增加城市地区的最低工资金额,建设适用房项目。

 

 退休

根据中共十五大確立的70歲退休的原则,胡锦涛在2012年11月召开的中共十八大选出新一届中央委员会后,卸任中共中央总书记和中共中央军委主席的职务,并由习近平接任,胡锦涛成为新中国成立后,首位一次交出所有权力的非终身制最高领导人。

 

评价

在担任中共第四代领导人之后,胡锦涛打造比前任更为开放、平等的形象,多次前往比较落后的中西部省份视察,给人留下更为看重在改革中落后的弱势群体的印象。2008年被德国杂志评为最有影响力100人,名列榜首。 2009年,美國福布斯雜誌公佈2009年全球最具权力人物排行榜,胡锦涛排名第二,仅次于美国总统奥巴马,2010年位列该项排名第一。2011年则名列第三。

在台湾问题方面,胡锦涛为改善两岸关系做出积极努力,改变江泽民时代两岸的紧张关系,中国国民党荣誉主席吴伯雄对胡锦涛的远见和魄力表示赞赏。

在其任内,社会政治改革停步不前,更专注于经济方面的增长 。

有一些人把胡锦涛执政10年称为“失落的十年”,而历史学家章立凡说:“我觉得胡锦涛先生最大的成就,是他最后将所有权力和职位都交给继任者。除此之外,过去十年可以说几乎是在政治上一事无成。”

 

家庭

胡锦涛的妻子刘永清是胡锦涛於清华大学水利系1959年级的校友,兩人共育有一子胡海峰及一女胡海清(又名胡晓桦)。

胡海峰为胡锦涛之子,清华大学经济管理学院第一届EMBA,2003年接任中国清华同方威视股份有限公司总裁,现兼任清华大学校务委员会副秘书长。胡海峰之妻王珺現任清华大學经济管理学院院长助理。胡海清于1993年毕业于清华大学热能工程系空调专业,之后先在清华同方任职,后赴美留学攻读硕士学位,现定居美国夏威夷。其夫为茅道临,1999年年初加盟四通利方公司(新浪网前身)担任营运长,2001年升至CEO,2003年离开新浪网。

胡锦涛家族中,其长妹胡锦蓉现为中国正太集团公司副董事长。大堂哥胡锦华,为上海市健康教育所所长,兼职世界卫生组织上海健康合作中心主任、中国健康教育协会副会长等职位。

 

渊源

 

 

ENG: Hu Jintao (born 21 December 1942) is a former leader of the fourth generation of leadership of the Communist Party of China. He was General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from 2002 to 2012, Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the CPC from 2004 to 2012 and President of the People's Republic of China from 2003 to 2013.

Hu has been involved in the Communist party bureaucracy for most of his adult life, notably as Party secretary for Guizhou province and the Tibet Autonomous Region, and then later First secretary of the Party Central Secretariat and Vice-President under former leader Jiang Zemin. Hu is the first leader of the Communist Party without any significant revolutionary credentials. As such, his rise to the leadership represented China's transition of leadership from establishment communists to younger, more pragmatic technocrats.

During his term in office, Hu reintroduced state control in some sectors of the economy that were relaxed by the previous administration, and has been conservative with political reforms. Along with his colleague, Premier Wen Jiabao, Hu presided over nearly a decade of consistent economic growth and development that cemented China as a major world power. He sought to improve socio-economic equality domestically through the Scientific Development Concept, which aimed to build a "Socialist Harmonious Society" that was prosperous and free of social conflict. Meanwhile, Hu kept a tight lid on China politically, cracking down on social disturbances, ethnic minority protests, and dissident figures. In foreign policy, Hu advocated for "China's peaceful development", pursuing soft power in international relations and a business-oriented approach to diplomacy. Through Hu's tenure, China's influence in Africa, Latin America, and other developing regions has increased.

Hu possesses a low-key and reserved leadership style, and is reportedly a firm believer in consensus-based rule. These traits have made Hu a rather bland figure in the public eye, embodying the focus in Chinese politics on technocratic competence rather than personality.

On 15 November 2012, Hu relinquished the titles the General Secretary of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the CPC and was succeeded by Xi Jinping.

 

Early life

Hu Jintao was born in Taizhou, Jiangsu province on 21 December 1942. He grew up in Taizhou, and completed his primary education and secondary education there. After his high school education, he went to the department of hydraulic engineering, Tsinghua University at the capital city, Beijing.

His branch of the family migrated from Jixi County, Anhui to Taizhou during his grandfather's generation. Though his father owned a small tea trading business in Taizhou, the family was relatively poor. His mother was a teacher and died when he was seven, and he was raised by an aunt. Hu's father was later denounced during the Cultural Revolution, an event that (together with his relatively humble origins) apparently had a deep effect upon Hu, who diligently tried to clear his father's name.

Hu was a gifted student in Taizhou High School, excelling in activities such as singing and dancing. In 1964, while still a student at Beijing's Tsinghua University, Hu joined the Communist Party of China (CPC), before the Cultural Revolution. He was the chairman of the Tsinghua Student Union at that time. He graduated in hydraulic engineering in 1965. At Tsinghua, Hu met a fellow student, Liu Yongqing, now his wife.

In 1968, Hu volunteered for his service in Gansu and worked on the construction of Liujiaxia Hydroelectric Station while also managing Party affairs for the local branch of the Ministry of Water Resources and Electric Power. From 1969 to 1974, Hu worked for Sinohydro Engineering Bureau, as an engineer.

 

Early political career

In 1973, Hu was transferred to the Construction Department of Gansu as a secretary. The next year he was promoted to vice senior chief. In 1980, Deng Xiaoping implemented the "Four Transformations" program, which aimed to produce communist leaders who were "more revolutionary, younger, more knowledgeable, and more specialized." In response to this nation-wide search for young party members, Song Ping, the first secretary of CPC Gansu Committee (Gansu's governor) discovered Hu Jintao and promoted him several ranks to the position of deputy head of the commission. Another protégé of Song, Wen Jiabao, also became prominent at the same time.

In 1982, Hu was promoted to the position of Communist Youth League Gansu Branch Secretary and was appointed as the director of the All-China Youth Federation. His mentor Song Ping was transferred to Beijing as Minister of Organization of the Communist Party of China, and was in charge of senior cadres' recommendation, candidacy and promotion. With the support of Hu Yaobang and Deng Xiaoping, Hu was assured of a bright future in the party. At Song Ping's suggestion, in 1982 central Party authorities invited Hu to Beijing to study at the Central Party School. Soon after, he was transferred to Beijing and appointed as secretariat of the Communist Youth League Central Committee ("CY Central"). Two years later Hu was promoted to First Secretary of CY Central, thus its actual leader. During his term in the Youth League, Hu escorted Hu Yaobang, who was CPC General Secretary then, in visits around the country. Hu Yaobang, himself a veteran coming from the Youth League, could reminiscence his youth through Hu's company.

 

Party Committee Secretary of Guizhou

In 1985, Hu Yaobang pushed for Hu Jintao to be transferred to Guizhou as the provincial Committee Secretary of Communist Party of China. Hu attempted to improve the economy of the backwater province, and reputedly visited all of its eighty-six counties. While in Guizhou, Hu was careful to follow Beijing's directives and had a reputation of being "airtight"; he rarely would offer his views on policy matters in public. While Hu was generally seen as an official with integrity and honesty, some locals preferred his predecessor Zhu Houze. In 1987, Hu Jintao handled the local students protest parallel to the Democracy Wall carefully, whereas in Beijing similar protests resulted in Hu Yaobang's forced resignation.

 

Tenure in Tibet

The exit of his patron Hu Yaobang from the political scene was initially seen as unfavourable towards Hu Jintao. He drew criticism from party elders for failing to criticize the ousted reformer. In 1988, Hu was transferred to become Party Regional Committee Secretary of the Tibetan Autonomous Region, the restive area's number-one figure, while also taking on the role of Political Commissar of the local People's Liberation Army units. A number of Tibetans have long been opposed to government policy in the region and unrest and ethnic conflict were brewing, particularly anti-Han Chinese sentiments amongst local well-placed Tibetans. Minor clashes had been occurring since 1987, and when the scale of unrest grew, Hu responded with the deployment of some 1,700 People's Armed Police into Lhasa in February 1989 in an attempt to warn against further disturbance. Increased clashes culminated in serious rioting in Lhasa's core on 5 March 1989, five days before the 30th anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan uprising. What occurred after is a matter of dispute: rioters accused the police of shooting them arbitrarily, and the police claiming that they had acted in self-defense. In addition, there was speculation that Hu delayed his orders to clamp down on the protesters until late into the evening, when the police chief was forced to act because the situation was spiraling out of control. The protesters were suppressed early into the next day, and Hu asked Beijing to declare martial law on 8 March.

Hu's role in the demonstrations and rioting on March 5 was never made clear. While it is general protocol that Hu must have at least implicitly approved the use of force against protesters, whether he actually gave orders throughout March 5 is a matter of debate. In addition, John Tkacik cites that Hu had been coordinating with the Chengdu Military Region for troops to be on full alert as the situation progressed. Some diplomatic analysts linked what they saw as Hu's brutal use of force to the suppression of activists and students at in Tiananmen Square, which took place a mere three months later. Whether Hu provided "inspiration" for the PLA on June 4 is a matter of debate, but it was clear that Hu's actions in Lhasa earned him unprecedented attention in the upper echelons of party power, including "paramount leader" Deng Xiaoping. When tanks rolled into Tiananmen Square, Hu was one of the first regional leaders to declare his support for the central authorities. Hu experienced high-altitude sickness in June 1990, and returned to Beijing, but remained in his position for another two years, during which Hu achieved little. But his departure to Beijing was seen as a means to return to the centrefold of Chinese politics, which led to some doubts as to whether or not he was as ill as he had claimed.

 

Candidacy

Before the opening of the 14th National Congress of the CPC in 1992, the Party's senior leaders, including Deng and Chen Yun, were to select candidates for the Politburo Standing Committee to ensure a smooth transition of power from the so-called second-generation leaders (Deng, Chen, Li Xiannian, Wang Zhen, etc.) to third-generation Communist Party of China leaders (Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, Qiao Shi etc.). Deng also proposed that they should consider another candidate for a further future transition, preferably someone under fifty to represent the next generation of leaders. Song, as the organization chief, recommended Hu as an ideal candidate for the prospect of a future leader. As a result, shortly before his 50th birthday, Hu Jintao became the youngest member of the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, and the second youngest PSC member ever since the CPC took power in 1949.

In 1992, Hu took charge of the Secretariat of the Communist Party of China, which oversaw day-to-day operations of the Central Committee, and the Central Party School, which was convenient for him to bring up his own supporters among senior CPC cadres. Hu was also put in charge of the ideological work of the CPC. Although Hu was considered heir apparent to Jiang, he always took great care to ensure that Jiang be at the center of the spotlight. In late 1998, Hu promoted Jiang's unpopular movement of the "Three Stresses" – "stress study, stress politics, and stress healthy trends" – giving speeches to promote it. In 2001, he publicized Jiang's Three Represents theory, which Jiang hoped to place himself on the same level as other Marxist theoreticians. In 1998, Hu became Vice-President of China, and Jiang wanted Hu to play a more active role in foreign affairs. Hu became China's leading voice during the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999.

 

At the helm

Since taking over as General Secretary of the Central Committee at the Sixteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Hu and his premier, Wen Jiabao, proposed to set up a Socialist Harmonious Society which aims at lessening the inequality and changing the style of the "GDP first and Welfare Second" policies. They focused on sectors of the Chinese population that have been left behind by the economic reform, and have taken a number of high profile trips to the poorer areas of China with the stated goal of understanding these areas better. Hu and Wen Jiabao have also attempted to move China away from a policy of favouring economic growth at all costs and toward a more balanced view of growth that includes factors in social inequality and environmental damage, including the use of the green gross domestic product in personnel decisions. Jiang's clique, however, maintained control in most developing areas, therefore Hu and Wen's measures of macroeconomic regulation faced great resistance.

 

Personal life

Hu is married to Liu Yongqing, whom he met at Tsinghua University when they were studying there. They have two children together, Hu Haifeng and Hu Haiqing. Unlike Wen Jiabao, the Premier, he has never granted a public one-on-one interview as of 2007. He has been noted for his liking for table tennis and ballroom dancing. Hu is also said to possess a photographic memory that became evident in his high school days.

 

Source

 

 

March 19,2013

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